U.P. Website Announces List of Official U.P. Diliman Chancellor Nominees

Editor's note: The following announcement was posted yeterday at the website of the University of the Philippines System (see: http://up.edu.ph/features.php?i=246) announcing that five individuals had accepted nominations to be the next Chancellor of U.P. Diliman. The announcement is embedded below:

Wednesday, January 19,  2011

Listed in alphabetical order are the nominees to the position of Chancellor of U.P. Diliman:

1. Dr. Patrick Alain T. Azanza
2. Dr. Sylvia E. Claudio
3. Dr. Rowena Cristina L. Guevara
4. Dr. Caesar A. Saloma
5. Dr. Rolando B. Tolentino

All nominees have formally accepted their nominations and expressed their willingness to serve as Chancellor, if selected, on a full-time basis for the full term of three years.

Click here to read a copy of the memo from the Search Committee for U.P. Diliman Chancellor.

U.P. Diliman vs. U.P. Manila according to U.P. Manila Chancellor Ramon Arcadio

"The Chancellor’s message was really good. I’m not short of adjectives to describe it—it’s really good. But I wan to focus on his silly though fully-spirited speech: The Comparison of UP-Manila and UP-Diliman.

** UP Manila is the cradle campus (We are the first!)
UP Diliman is the flagship campus

** UP Manila has the highest UPG cut-off
UP Diliman falls in the second place

** UP Manila has the UP Manila Mall i.e. Robinson’s Place Ermita
UP Diliman has no-match in terms leisure-places

** UP Manila is the true home of the authentic Oblation
UP Diliman just got it from us

** UP Manila’s environment depicts TRUE life: Pollution, Crime, Street Vendors, etc.
UP Diliman depicts the serene life: trees, grasses, nature, etc.

** UP Manila’s audience in their rallies are the DOJ, NBI, COA, etc.
UP Diliman’s audience in their rallies are the trees, the students, and the oblation

** UP Manila’s chancellor lives with the PGH President, Bahay ni Kuya.
UP Diliman’s chancellor lives with the UP President, Bahay ni Biyenan."

Read the rest here: http://www.alpsaguado.com/2001/04/up-life-101/

A U.P. Regent Expresses Surprise at the Impending Final Closure of the University Food Service

(Regent Bibeth Orteza-Siguion Reyna exits Quezon

Hall after the Dec. 17, 2010 BOR meeting. 

Photos by Chanda Shahani)

(She is handed a pamphlet containing the poem, "Fliptop"

 A 1975 U.P. Diliman graduate, Orteza-Siguion Rena 

expresses surprise at this development)

Newly-appointed U.P. Regent Bibeth Orteza-Siguion-Reyna expressed surprise at the impending closure of the University Food Service (UFS) as she exited Quezon Hall after the December 17, 2010 University of the Philippines (U.P.) Board of Regents (BOR) meeting.

She was handed a pamphlet entitled Pandayan Special Issue December 10, entitled,"Wakas at Simula" and containing a poem entitled, “Fliptop” by Mykel Andrada which said in part, “”Computerized na ang Form 5/ Ang tuition per unit ay one-five/ Inuuna ang negosyo/ Walang pakialam sa serbisyo/ Isinasara na ang UFS” (http://upissues.wordpress.com/2010/12/20/pandayan-dec-2010/).

“Is this true? She asked the Diliman Diary as we were present on that day taking pictures and interviewing. This blogger confirmed this fact to her.

According to the U.P. website (http://www.upd.edu.ph/~ovcsa/ufs/university_food_service.htm), UFS “provides food that is acceptable, nutritious, safe, wholesome and reasonably priced to its University clientele of students, faculty and administrative personnel. It is managed by professional dietitians and nutritionists.”

“Until 1993, the UFS operated six dormitory dining halls and 15 canteens in various academic and administrative buildings. In 1994, through a management decision to privatize food outlets on campus, the outlets of the UFS were awarded to private concessionaires and their supervision was transferred to the Business Concessions Office under the Office of the Vice-Chancellor for Community Affairs. Only three outlets were left to the UFS : its Catering Unit, Bakeshop and the Vinzons Grill.”

However,even these remaining outlets now face permanent closure by the outgoing Administration of U.P. Diliman Chancellor Sergio S. Ca whose term ends on February 28, 2011.

Union members, students, and some faculty in U.P. Diliman say that it is imperative that subsidies remain for the UFS as this is part of the overall package of subsidies granted to U.P. personnel and students that is necessary for it to maximally perform its function as the national university.

However, Chancellor Cao, a professor of business administration at U.P. Diliman has been working hand-in-hand with outgoing U.P. President Emerlinda R. Roman, also a professor of business administration to outsource the function of UFS to private concessionaires in order to fulfill President Roman's vision of “a more efficient university.”

Opponents of the measures to permanently close UFS down say that allowing the private sector to completely dominate the food scene at U.P. Diliman drives up overall costs for U.P. Faculty, staff and students making it even more untenable for them to make ends meet, in comparison to previous years.

(Reporting by Chanda Shahani)

Former National Treasurer Leonor M. Briones Expresses Reservations about P-Noy's Conditional Cash Transfer Program

By Chanda Shahani

The former National Treasurer Leonor M. Briones said that the Aquino Administration's PhP 21-billion conditional cash transfer (CCT) program will not substantially alleviate poverty.

In an interview with the Diliman Diary, Briones a professor public administration at the National College of Public Administration and Governance at the University of the Philippines (U.P.) at Diliman said that CCT's “are all right but only as one of a more comprehensive package for poverty reduction.”

She expressed concern about the “absorptive capacity” of the Department of Social Work and Development to make use of its huge increase of funding of 125% or an increase from the current PhP 12 billion to PhP 21.9 billion in 2011.

To cover a total of 2.3 million beneficiaries in 2011, the Aquino administration has increased the program's budget.

DSWD Secretary Corazon “Dinky” Soliman has said in the past that to ensure smooth program implementation, the additional 1.3M family beneficiaries next year will be categorized into phases. High poverty incidence areas like the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, Caraga, Zamboanga Peninsula, Bicol region, Samar and Leyte; covering 79 provinces in all will be prioritized.

But Professor Briones said the CCT is still a program of handouts.

Briones, convener of civil society group Social Watch Philippines, said CCT “is not a leading answer to poverty”, adding that as a policy response, CCT is deficient, and does not justify the huge loans made to fund the program.

She said that the huge CCT allocations could be a source of fund for other items that needed boost in funding especially in education, environment, agriculture and health.

“The expansion of the conditional cash transfer should be accompanied by the expansion of the supply side, for example, improvement of public health service, education and transport facilities and services in order to be successful,” she said.

“How can you give money for a child to go to school in a place where there are not enough schools?” she asked. Social Watch says that the fact that Philippine public investment in education and health is low and has generally declined between 200 and 2006 means that public investment in health and education must increase.

Briones said the program expansion should be deferred pending the submission of the program impact evaluation on the dole-out program and the completion of the National Household Targeting System for Poverty Reduction.

“Increasing the budget for inputs does not necessarily lead to increases in outputs and outcomes if the implementing capacity is insufficient,” she said.

She said that on Latin America, historical experience has shown that it was difficult to wean away recipients of CCT monies and that there must “be a clear exit strategy” including the provision of basic services and a chance for impoverished families to have employment opportunities.

Professor Briones is also the lead convenor of Social Watch Philippines which has taken the stand that the expansion of CCTs have to be accompanied by expansion of the “supply side,” that is improvement of public health services in order for this to work.

Social Watch's stand is that the CCT program expansion should be deferred pending the submission of program impact evaluation on a dole-out program agreat part from multilateral funding from nd completion of the National Household Targeting System for Poverty Reduction.

“We need to know what are the clear returns in exchange for borrowing all this money to fund this program,” she said. The current CCT program relies on the release of Land Bank of the Philippines (Landbank) ATM cards to beneficiaries. But the Landbank funds will be sourced in turn from the National Budget from funding earmarked by loans from multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank.

Social Watch said that the National Government was borrowing US$ 405 million from the World Bank and US $ 400 million from the Asian Development Bank for the CCT program which only serves to increase the national indebtedness in implementing a strategy that will have limited impact on poverty reduction.

Social Watch is asking the National Government to come out with a comprehensive strategy to reduce poverty which includes social and economic policy; embedding the CCT program within the framework.

It is also important, Professor Briones said said that civil society and other groups should be involved in independently auditing and monitoring how the funds are being spent.

On the other hand, an August 24, 2010 study co-authored by U.P. School of Economics Dean Arsenio Balisacan said that said the administration of former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) initiative under its Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipinong Program (4Ps) appeared to be effective as a vehicle for addressing short-term poverty and long-term human capital development and impliedly suggested that Aquino administration should continue it (see: http://diliman-diary.blogspot.com/2010/08/4.html).

The study said CCT programs are widely implemented in many developing countries, particularly in Latin America and more recently in Asia. The World Bank says CCTs "provide money directly to poor families via a “social contract” with the beneficiaries – for example, sending children to school regularly or bringing them to health centers. For extremely poor families, cash provides emergency assistance, while the conditionalities promote longer-term investments in human capital."

The UPSE study said that assessments of these programs show significant positive impacts on nutritional intakes, schooling performance,and reduction in poverty and inequality. "Of all the government's current subsidy programs, the CCT initiative holds perhaps the most promise for breaking the vicious cycle of poverty and, hence, is a good candidate for upscaling toward a national anti-poverty program," the study said.

Demythologizing the Fetish of Academic Excellence

By Professor Gerry Lanuza

“The first aspect to be emphasized is that educational practice is a dimension of social practice,” says Paolo Freire. Schleiermacher in his “'Occasional Thoughts on the German Conception of the University” viewed the notion that "a scientific person could live shut off by himself in solitary labors and undertakings” as a "sheer delusion." " However much he appears to work alone in the library, at his writing desk, or in the laboratory, his learning processes are inextricably interwoven with a public "community of investigators" (Peirce).

Pierre Bourdieu the Jurassic Marxist in French sociology called for academics to become public intellectuals. But committed scholarship, for Bourdieu, does not mean limiting politics, pedagogy, or social change to the world of text or the narrow province of discourse. Nor does committed scholarship and pedagogy provide an excuse for those intellectuals who often “mistake revolutions of the order of words, or texts, for revolutions in the order of things, to mistake verbal sparring at academic conferences for interventions in the affairs of [public life].” According to Bourdieu, academics had not only to engage in a permanent critique of the abuses of authority in the larger social world, but also address the deadening scholasticism that often characterised work in the academy. This was not simply a call for them to renounce an all too common form of political irrelevance rooted in the mantra of professionalism that inveighed against connecting higher education to the public realm or scholarship to larger social issues, but also an attempt to convince intellectuals that their own participation in the public realm should never take place at the expense of their artistic, intellectually rigorous, or theoretically inclined skills. In this instance, the meaning of what it meant to be a public intellectual could not serve as an excuse to substitute a celebrity-like, public-relations posturing for the important work of collective struggle and intervention.

As neoliberalism penetrates deeper the uncommodified spaces of our society, schools can become the alternate heterotopias that can resist the omnipotent power of capital. Schooling under neoliberal capitalism purports to produce a mass work force which does not think for itself, but should accept without question the rhetoric and orders of the ruling economic, political, and social elites, who have amassed a concentration of economic and political power. As Henry Giroux, a critical pedagogue, says, “The time has come for intellectuals to distinguish caution from cowardice and recognise that their obligations extend beyond deconstructing texts or promoting a culture of questioning. These are important pedagogical interventions, but they do not go far enough. We also need to link knowing with action, learning with social engagement, and this suggests addressing the responsibilities that come with teaching students to fight for an inclusive and radical democracy by recognising that pedagogy is not just about understanding, however critical, but also provides the conditions for addressing the responsibilities we have as citizens to others, especially those who will inherit the future.”

As member of the academe, I have to face the painful truth of my own complicity with the dominant ethos of neoliberal philosophy of education. Again, Giroux is right: “But for educators to recognise the urgency of the crisis that links youth and democracy they will have to betray those dominant intellectual traditions that divorce academic life from politics, reduce teaching to forms of instrumental rationality that largely serve market interests, and remove the university from those democratic values that hold open the promise of a better and more humane life.” Allow me, then, to “betray” --as the highest act of love and fidelity according to Zizek—the dominant traditons I was socialized.

What is happening today is that the neoliberal logic has opened up the schools for corporate branding and because of its tendencies to commodify everything even the notion of active citizenship had been reduced to mere individualistic pursuit of academic excellence. The meaning of academic excellence has been hijacked by liberal oligarchs and their children in order to create a new mythology distinct from the way it was defined in the past by radical students and their mentors. It has become a badge of success for students to enter the corporate world while it serves as a perfect the whipping stick of teachers to castigate erring students who fails to parrot their own pedagogical creeds. Neoliberal philosophy of education has failed to enable students to translate pedagogy into publicly relevant topics. This resulted into social apathy among student-citizens as education is now defined as private rather than public goods. Many students and teachers have followed unwittingly Allan Bloom’s conservative idea of reading as pure pleasure and disconnected from social good. Thereby criticizing critical pedagogy in university along Bloom’s description: “speech overflowing with pious platitudes , the peculiar vocabulary of a sect of coven”.

The followers of neoliberal school reforms would like us to believe that that solution to dwindling funds and academic deterioration, inflation of grades, is to raise academic standards and focus on mastering the basic skills of fundamental subject matter. The fashionable mantra of today’s “captains of higher learning” (read: CEOs) is the dreaded slogan of anarchist gurus in the sixties, Ivan Illich: “de-schooling” now cannibalised as “life-long learning”. Yet despite the ingenuity that such slogan connotes, many teachers have become so engrossed with pedagogical techniques and teaching effectiveness that they abstract education from the wider social democratic processes. This naiveté leads to the creation of what Giroux aptly calls as the “pedagogy of the depressed” in which students are subtly programed to believe that getting better grades and mastering the skills are the be-all and end-all of education, and where teachers are reduced to mere bodies without organs of the teaching–war machines diligently preparing students to live the in nucleus of Christopher Lasch’s “heartless world”. Hence both mainstream teachers and students see critical pedagogy as relics of the past whose relevance is passé. For those who still manage to read “critical” works, they attempt to smuggle in critical spaces within the classrooms only to tell their students just like peddlers of educational plans: “Study now, engage later!” Rallies can wait, teachers cannot!

What we need to dismantle in our classrooms is the motto of the neoliberal guru that that good life is all about making profits and that the essence of democracy is profit making. Academic excellence is the passport to the good life. What kind of students do we breed? In ‘Rectify the Party’s Style in Work’, Mao wrote: ‘They proceed from a primary school of that sort to a university of that sort, they take a diploma, and are regarded as stocked with knowledge. But all that they have is knowledge of books, and they have not yet taken part in any practical activities, nor have they applied, in any branch of social life, the knowledge they have acquired…their knowledge is not yet complete. What, then, is comparatively complete knowledge? All comparatively complete knowledge is acquired through two stages: first the stage of perceptual knowledge and second the stage of rational knowledge, the latter being the development of the former to a higher plane’. Furthermore, ‘the most important thing is [to] be well versed in applying such knowledge in life and in practice’.

For those who prefer “real” pedagogues, should go directly to Mortimer Adler who proposed the Peidia: “[T]hey [students] may be memorizing machines, able to pass quizzes or examinations. But probe their minds and you will find that what they know by memory, they do not understand. They have spent hours in classrooms where they were talked at, where they recited and took notes, plus hours of homework poring over textbooks, extracting facts to commit to memory. But when have their minds been addressed, in what connection have they been called upon to think for themselves, to respond to important questions and to raise them themselves, to pursue an argument, to defend a point of view, to understand its opposite, to weigh alternatives? There is little joy in most of the learning they are now compelled to do. Too much of it is make believe, in which neither teacher nor pupil can take a lively interest. Without some joy in learning–a joy that arises from hard work well done and from the participation of one’s mind in a common task – basic schooling cannot initiate the young into the life of learning, let alone give them the skill and the incentive to engage in it further.”

Is this what academic excellence today amounts to? The capacity to memorize and pass exminations, comprehensive examinations with flying colors, but students are bereft of any sense of social justice? Can we therefore, as teachers, blame students if they mount a massive resistance to our everyday life in the campus and transform our classrooms into jungle for their protracted guerrilla warfare –absenteism, dropping, LOA, MRR, cheating, vandalism, grafittis, texting, yawning, making fun of our mannerisms, and even pornographically fantasizing about us?

Do we need another “quick fix ideology”? What all this suggests is that the real crisis in education is one that stems from the failure of this society to develop a public philosophy that is capable of defending schools as public spheres committed to performing a public service informed by emancipatory and democratic principles. The important point being that it has become increasingly what is at issue here is not just academic excellence but the very future of our university.

But is this realistic? Sooner or later one has to confront the “heartless world” and sell her soul to the highest CEO bidder! You demand realism? Then you should heed Murray Bookchin, the libertarian socialist, when he argues that “the highest realism can be attained only by looking beyond the state of affairs to a vision of what should be, not only what is”. John Holloway proposes a socialist philosophy of NO rather the capitalist YES! In Holloway’s spirit, we should turn around the question: “what is academic excellence?” to the more genealogical mode: “When will you stop wanting it?” And the false dilemma: “Is activism anathema to academic excellence” into a negation of the dilemma: “When will activism be a form of academic excellence?” We need Bourdieu’s “reasoned utopianism”: “being both against ‘pure wishful thinking (which) has always brought discredit on utopia’ and against ‘philistine platitudes concerned essentially with facts’; it is opposed to ‘the—ultimately defeatist—heresy of an objectivist automatism according to which the world’s objective contradictions would be sufficient in themselves to revolutionize the world in which they occur’ and at the same time to ‘activism for its own sake’, pure voluntarism based on an excess of optimism.”

John Sargis, who combines Adlerian pedagogy with radical democratic critique, names the culprit: The implicit frame is egocentric education: “Egocentrism is built into the system upon the accumulation of desires that are never satisfied in obtaining its objects of desire, and, as a result, seeks more and more gratification in more and more consumer objects.” He adds, “Socialized into the world by mass consumer society and carried into adult life by a variety of cultural industries inflating ego-centrism, students are a captured audience for economic exploitation. Indeed, they become so captivated that their own lives become enmeshed in the pursuit of false dreams of monetary success. This miseducation leads students away from democracy and equality and into a society of economic exploitation, totalitarianism, hierarchy, and inequality. A student’s fund of knowledge is displaced by a fund of fashionade consumerism, as the students themselves are initiated into an inner subjective standard wholly inscribed as a consumer.”

But the old Leftists who had seen the horrors of the past are simply chanting: “I have seen it, don’t do it again.” “No, it will not happen to my child.” They are like Sisyphus, the cultural hero of Camus and existentialist rebellion in the sixties, who kept on pushing a boulder to the top of the mountain. But they do not have the guts of Sissyphus. They got bored so they just left the Left. Others have become nostalgic that they seem to follow the monumental view of history as if they were the “last radicals” and the current young radicals as mediocre and inexperienced. Others on the other hand, while maintaining the utopian vision simply lack the desire to carry on. On the extreme side, are those who, after immersing themselves in dialectical materialism have chanced upon reading postmodern gurus from Paris and so they now disavow and recant all the follies they committed when they were young. They become pernicious in dismissing the clamors of the youth since they are totally convinced that they have mastered and transcended Maos’ Red Book. They have reached Nirvana and reached the peak of Mt. Olympus. Looking down at the youth’s pilgrim whom they consider as their mirror-images they hope these young people will get old soon to realize their own follies and mistakes. So, in the end, Nietzsche for them is right: everything is just an endless and meaningless repetition of irredeemable past mistakes. Only this time, they are braver: I will it thus! Amor fati!

It is in this climate of ideological struggle and myth-making that any talk about academic excellence becomes a loadstone that quickly draw violent and emotional reactions. This is all the more true for professors who dare to speak against the tabooed topics of radicalism in the academe –branding them as recruiters to the “lost causes” and brainwashers of students. The sleight in this acrimonious debate is that the so-called liberal protectors of university against leftist extremism ignorantly subscribe to the Weberian liberal understanding of academic public space while fully subscribing to the postmodern deconstruction of liberal narrative! It follows form these that professors who in any way, transgress the limits of liberal democracy are punished and warned: “Toe the line or else!” which amounts to the same thing: be a liberal or else…!” This imperative excellently demonstrates the postmodern superego, the superego under global capitalism:” Yes, you may rally, yes you may join student organizations, yes you may discuss these things BUT…” What is this big BUT? It should be voluntary, it should be free, it should be with consent and no coercion. Put crudely, radicals are put into a double-bind: you can be radical without being radical! Fantastic, isn’t it? It’s like having coffee without caffeine! Liberal professors, traumatized by the Gulags under local socialism, and mindful of industry of literature discrediting the totalitarian Stalinist logic of any revolution, see extremism as leading to mass destruction. How ironic! For they have to inculcate their liberal principles to students and faculty in the most liberal way: free consent, with permits, with transparency, and accountability! All humanistic values championed by the bourgeoisie. And for those whose Machiavellian adventurists who threaten the liberal fetish for order they are considered as insolent, students who devalue academics”, and mediocre!

This should not lead to pessimistic conclusion that the University is a liberal public space using subtle forms of coercion and brainwashing and ideological interpellations. Neither do we have to insist that UP is a Gulag or Alcatraz created by liberal utopians. We are closer here to Foucault: the school is also a place for contestation. That is why, when academic excellence is raised what radical professors should do is to contest the definition: who is defining it? For what? For whom? Why now? In the field of ideological struggle, any question is suspect. This is the exact meaning of radicalism!

So how do we deal with the liberal space of the university? The most ruinous strategy here is to follow Zizek’s injunction to follow the Law to the letter. Go ahead, fire student leaders who are disqualified under the Law. But only under one condition: disqualify all other students fail to be academically excellent! But then: Why stop with students? We should demand that to all professors and administrators! The vendors, jeepney drivers! We are supposed to be excellent. Everyone in the University profits from the taxpayers money. Hence there can never be a state of exception, including the President and the Board of Regents! This is reduction ad adsurdum! Definitely, there will be a lot of turnovers in the University; thereby fulfilling the corporate mandate of neoliberal philosophy championed by Hayek, Friedman and Misses! Let there be a witch-hunts against the academically stupid and mediocre. There are rules?

Here one touches the aporia between Law and Justice. Derrida argues that an infinite, irreducible “idea of justice” haunts every decision and necessarily haunts it in order for it to be a decision and not merely the application of a rule. In the face of this undecidability, though, Derrida also insists on the ongoing urgency of the decision, since incalculable justice requires calculation—it requires that the decision on what is just and right be made at any moment. Given that the rules disqualify certain teachers and students, is that JUSTICE?

Jean François Lyotard, the father of French postmodernism, in his The Postmodern Condition, criticized the fact that universities and institutions of higher learning have become victims of the logic of performativity under capitalism. The business of universities should have been the creation paralogical knowledge that breaks the “normal” configuration of society. The clamour for excellence has become the lame excuse for most of us in submitting ourselves to the standardization of performativity-driven post-industrial capitalism. Higher standard, tougher rules, better performance! More output, more publications, more international publications the better. These are not neutral standards. They are, as Habermas, would argue in his The Idea of a University, definite product a social configuration in late capitalism.

As a teacher of UP, my only regret, and here, I would like to face up to Nietzsche’s critique of the “slaves” who could not accept their past- is that I have not given enough for my nation and the university. I was also a victim of this liberal fetish for academic excellence and I forget the most important thing: not grades, not awards, not distinctions but solidarity with the wretched of the world! Second, I also regret not having cared for students who sacrificed their academics for the sake of organizing students and actively fighting in behalf of the mainstream apathetic students. In the age of academic mythologization and the general upsurge of student apathy it is worth reminding ourselves of the school failures of Einstein, Lincoln, Edison, and others. These great individuals could have been given the chance have they been taken cared off by the guardians of academic excellence, guardians who have not changed the world! Activist students are not Einsteins, Lincolns nor Beethovens. They have minute chances of surviving in the market that creates a “heartless world”. For that reason alone we should be more caring for them. To break the privatizing ethics of neoliberal capitalism, we must show solidarity with these students rather than ostracise them for failing to live up to what we expect of them –the supposed philosopher-kings and guardians of academic excellence! ‘

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Bibliography

[Note: Least I be accused of plagiarism and academic mediocrity because I do not have references, I am appending my sources here.]

Adler, Mortimer. (1983) Paideia Problems and Possibilities. New York: MacMillan.

Bourdieu, Pierre. (2000) For a scholarship with commitment. Profession 2000.

Bourdieu, Pierre. (1998) A reasoned utopia and economic fatalism. New Left Review I/227, January-February.

Derrida, Jacques. (1992) Force of law: the mystical foundations of authority,” in deconstruction and the possibility of justice, ed. Drucilla Cornell, Michel Rosenfeld, and David Gray Carlson (New York: Routledge, 1992), 3–67.

Gabbard, David and Karen Anijar Appleton. (2009) The democratic paideia project: beginnings of an emancipatory paideia for today. In Global capitalism and the demise of the left: renewing radicalism through inclusive democracy. A publication of the International journal of inclusive democracy quarterly journal published by the International Network for Inclusive Democracy. Vol. 5, No. 1, special issue winter.

Giroux, Henry A. (2003) Betraying the intellectual tradition: public intellectuals and the crisis of youth. Language and Intercultural Communication, vol. 3 no. 3 203: 172-186.

Giroux, Henry A. and Susan Searls Giroux (2006). Challenging neoliberalism’s new world order: the promise of critical pedagogy. Cultural studies, critical methodologies, Volume 6 Number 1, 21-32.

Giroux, Henry. (1987) Citizenship, public philosophy, and the struggle for democracy. Educational theory. Spring, Vol. 37, No. 2, 103-122.

Habermas, Jurgen. (1987) The idea of the university - learning processes. New German critique.

No. 41, Special Issue on the Critiques of the Enlightenment (Spring – Summer), pp. 3-22.

Holloway, John. 2005. No. Historical materialism, 13:4, 265-84.

Lyotard, Jean Francois. (1984) The postmodern condition, a report on knowledge. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1984.

Mills, Catherine. (2008) Playing with law: Agamben and Derrida on postjuridical justice. South Atlantic Quarterly 107:1, Winter 2008: 16-36.

Qingjun, Zhuo. (1994) The educational doctrine of Mao Zedong. Prospects: the quarterly review of comparative education. Vol. 24, no. 1/2, 1994, p. 93–106.

Sargis, John. (2009) Education, paideia and democracy: experiences of the U.S. educational system. In Global capitalism and the demise of the left: renewing radicalism through inclusive democracy. A publication of the International journal of inclusive democracy quarterly journal published by the International Network for Inclusive Democracy. Vol. 5, No. 1, special issue winter.

Zizek, Slavoj. (2003) The puppet and the dwarf: perverse core of Christianity. MIT Press.  

(Editor's note: Professor Gerry Lanuza teaches at the University of the Philippines at Diliman Department of Sociology. This article has been uploaded with his permission).

Treasure Chest: My Eveready Moment at UP-Diliman Library

"It was a cold, dreary night and we were so busy filing up the documents. It was about 15 minutes before 10 pm - time to go home. There are 3 guy colleagues who went upstairs just to tease and frighten us with ghost stories. Me and Neri just ignored them since we were so busy doing our work and we wanted to get it done fast."

"The guys left after 10 minutes. As soon as the sound of their voices stopped ringing through the walls and stairway, a brownout startled us and we started to grope in the dark while screaming for help. We were on the 5th floor of the library and no one was around."

 

Read the rest here:  Treasure Chest: My Eveready Moment at UP-Diliman Library

Announcement of the Search Process for a New U.P. Diliman Chancellor

The term of University of the Philippines (U.P.) Diliman Chancellor Sergio S. Cao ends on February 28, 2011. Accordingly, U.P. President Emerlinda R. Roman has issued Administrative Order No. 079 dated December 6, 2010 instituting a Search Process for a new U.P. Diliman Chancellor.

The details may be accessed at this link at the U.P. website:

http://www.up.edu.ph/pdf/updchancellor.pdf