Showing posts with label Democratic governance. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Democratic governance. Show all posts

Monday, April 4, 2011

In Praise of the Dictatorship of the Highly Published

By Ramon Guillermo, Ph.D.

We read Dr. Flor Lacanilao’s article entitled “Democratic governance impedes academic reform” published in the Philippine Daily Inquirer (03/14/2011) with much interest. First of all, we would like to commend Dr. Lacanilao for his view that the “most important problems in the world have been solved largely by physical scientists.” If there are any problems at all in the world which have not yet been solved by these physical scientists, such problems would certainly be nothing but the most trivial ones unworthy of even an iota of brain matter of their superior intellects. Despite our awe at the display of erudition on philosophy and human history which such a statement entails, we nevertheless take issue with the gist of of Dr. Lacanilao's argument in the said article. We propose that his general argument can be taken as follows:

a) Working successfully requires that members are competent on a subject;

b) Joint decisions with different member competencies don't work;

c) The great majority [of academics] are poorly published in ISI journals,

d) The great majority [of academics] do not have the technical knowledge possessed by the well-published minority;

e) Any group decision will be worse than that which would be made by the [well] published members only. [Therefore the poorly published individuals should be excluded from the decision-making process.]

First of all, what "subject" is Lacanilao referring to in the first proposition above? Is he referring to his own field of "comparative endocrinology"? Is he referring to the niceties of Popperian philosophy of science, the details of art restoration, or the fine points of coral reef preservation? Or is he just saying that the members working together should be "competent" in at least "something" (as long as it is an “academic something”)? Let’s just assume that Lacanilao is saying, in his own very diplomatic way, that the members working together to arrive at decisions within the University should be "competent" in at least one “academic something.” Then the next question in terms of his argument would be: Is the “objective” measure of "competence" which he proposes, namely, number of ISI publications, a valid and acceptable measure of “competence" for all possible "subjects" or domains of specialization in the University? It should first of all be clarified to the uninitiated that the Institute for Scientific Information (ISI), founded in 1960, regularly puts out a list of the “most cited” (and therefore most prestigious) scientific journals in the world. ISI’s founder Eugene Garfield, was also notorious for once having written that, “International science requires cultural as well as economic imperialism.” Since that time, the ISI listing has been used as a crucial measure to determine international university rankings and faculty ratings and promotions.

There are valid reasons to doubt that the ISI listing could serve as an uncontroversial and “objective” measure of competence across disciplines. Most of these are already quite well-known among students of journal citation-impact. Some of these are the following: a) The humanities and social sciences give greater value to publications in book form than the disciplines in the natural sciences which give a premium to journal publications; b) The humanities and social sciences domains, not just in the Philippines but internationally, are much more diverse in terms of languages of publication. The vast majority of ISI journals however are English language journals from the USA and UK with very few of these representing such important languages in the humanities and social sciences such as German, French, Spanish, Japanese, Chinese etc.; c) There is unfortunately, but understandably, an observed "Western bias" in the humanities and social sciences journals covered by the ISI which do not give adequate coverage to topics of relevance to the Philippines and Southeast Asia in general. It therefore seems highly contentious to put forward the number of ISI publications as an “objective” measure of competence or “technical knowledge” in every possible field of study within the University. Such an assertion would merit at least a number of empirical studies which would demonstrate how “competence” across the disciplines correlates with ISI publication rates. We would also have to inquire as to what “minimum” number of ISI publications one must have in order to be adjudged by Lacanilao, “competent” in a particular field.

However, the core of his argument is that “group decisions” within the University which are made by “competent” members jointly with the “incompetent” (or badly published) majority will be worse than when the “competent” members make the decisions or call the shots by themselves. Lacanilao therefore supports what he sees as a “more effective alternative to democratic governance” which is for the well-published minority to “wield executive-decision power, as done in political and military crises.” In short, he advocates the dictatorship of the well-published over the poorly published. He cites a study which came out in the magazine Science (2010) entitled “Optimally Interacting Minds” by Bahrami et al. (Lacanilao mistakenly cites one of Bahrami’s co-authors Chris Firth as the main author of the study in question) in support of his position against “democratic governance” in the University. The aforementioned study demonstrated how a simple “perceptual decision task” (i.e., perceiving differences in visual contrast in an image) involving inputs from two observers who are free to communicate their degrees of confidence to each other and possessing “nearly equal visual sensitivity” could be combined to produce more accurate collective decisions. In this particular case, the study showed that two heads were indeed better than one. However, Bahrami et al. also found that if the two individuals have “different visual sensitivities,” then the results tend to be less accurate and the benefits of collaboration are much reduced. They therefore concluded that: “Individuals with very different sensitivities are best advised to avoid collaboration and instead should rely entirely on the more sensitive individual.”

Using a very wide latitude of interpretation, the paper by Bahrami et al. could indeed be construed as providing evidence against “democratic” forms of decision-making among “differently-competent” individuals. At the end of their paper however, the authors used the example of the “existence of weapons of mass destruction” to illustrate the “catastrophic consequences of consulting ‘evidence’ of unknown reliability.” In our view, what this particular example really demonstrates is how a naïve reliance on the opinions of competent “experts” marshalled by Bush and Blair on the existence of these weapons in Iraq ended up having“catastrophic” results. Instead of demonstrating the dangers of democracy, this example actually underlines the necessity for openness in the dissemination of information among an actively involved and politically engaged citizenry. It should furthermore be emphasized that this study is not yet about how reasoning within a scientific community can achieve optimal results. Nor is it yet about the optimal mechanisms for collective decision-making within a highly complex human polity. Any further speculations about its broader implications ought to be subjected to the necessary scientific research and critical scrutiny.

One should also point out that the study pertains to a generally “fixed” sensory capacity. If one were incurably blind, then one would naturally have to permanently rely on sighted people to determine the colours of objects. However, higher level forms of analysis, such as logical reasoning, critical thinking, aesthetic discrimination, ethical discernment etc. are not fixed capacities which remain the same through every cycle of decision-making. Such “competencies” are learned and may be continually improved and expanded throughout one’s lifetime. Furthermore, is not the domain of democratic decision-making precisely the school of the intellect and the grindstone of the critical mind? Aren’t democratic forms of organization and governance valued not merely for achieving optimal results but also for the practices of human emancipation and individual autonomy which these nurture? Doesn't the true collective benefit of science reside in the generalization and active dissemination throughout society of scientific and critical thinking rather than in the outright exclusion of those labelled “incompetent"?

If Lacanilao is interested in pursuing his line of argument then questions such as the following ought to be looked into carefully and dealt with in a scientifically rigorous way: Can the variety of competencies involved in all the different academic disciplines be reduced to a single “objective” measure, namely, number of ISI publications? Are the manifold high-level competencies involved in the various academic disciplines from art criticism, legal ethics, marine biology and so on reducible by analogy to the sensitivity of a single sensory function?

Dr. Lacanilao still has many things to prove to make his rousing call for a dictatorship of the well-published ISI elite more convincing to the poorly published and incompetent majority of the University. We hope these topics can be the subject of his future ISI publications.

(Ramon Guillermo is Associate Professor at the Dept. of Filipino and Philippine Literature, University of the Philippines - Diliman. He received his Ph.D in Southeast Asian Studies from the University of Hamburg, Germany. Email: rgguillermo@up.edu.ph)

Tuesday, March 15, 2011

Democratic governance impedes academic reform

By Flor Lacanilao

Group decision has been a major problem in Philippine science and education. It is based on the common belief that two heads are better than one. But is this always true? How can it be improved? Is there a better alternative?

Solving problems together, as in democratic governance, has been a common practice in the Philippines. This is true in UP as far back as I can recall, 50 years ago, when I was an instructor in zoology. Today democratic governance is often included in visions of candidates for top positions in the UP system.

The academic situation in UP and the country where democratic governance has been a normal practice, however, has shown more deterioration than improvement (review in my last post). Data on research performance of UP in the last 30 years has clearly shown this. After 2 decades of decline, improved research -- the most important function of modern universities -- was seen only at the start of this century. And this was largely brought about by cash rewards for publications that meet objective, internationally accepted criteria. UP as the National University is now aiming to be the first research university in the country.

How prepared is UP for a research university? Officials at all levels and faculties, system wide, have yet to improve their tract record in research. With a group dominated by poorly published members, democratic governance by group decision will not improve research performance. Studies by Chris Frith and coworkers have shown such group behavior in solving problems together; one, for example, is reported in Science -- Optimally Interacting Minds.

The study shows working together successfully requires that members are competent on a subject. Joint decisions don’t work when half of the members are not competent. In the UP situation, only a low percentage of officials and faculty members are properly published in ISI-indexed journals. The great majority is poorly-published, or doesn’t have the technical knowledge possessed by the well-published minority. The group decision will be worse than that would be made by the published members only. Two heads are not always better than one.

If democratic governance must continue, one way to improve group decisions in research is for the well-published minority to explain the importance of research to teaching and to human development. Adequate explanation would convince most of the poorly-published majority to trust the minority’s judgment. Since not all published researchers (in natural and social sciences) fully understand the importance of research to human development, they will have to start spending part (e.g., to “tithe” 10%) of their professional time and effort to reading and thinking about the benefits of research and S&T (see S&T for sustainable well-being). Our respected academic scientists have been too absorbed in research, and they have neglected their social responsibility. For example, they have been generally silent when their expertise in needed in debates on controversial national issues. The result: debates on science-based and science-related issues have been dominated by nonscientists and largely without any useful conclusion.

A more effective alternative to democratic governance, to solve the crisis in science and education, is to exert executive decision, as done in political and military crises. This needs a strong, visionary leader who is an accomplished scientist. The new chancellor of UP Diliman, the flagship campus of the UP system, is the top Filipino physicist in the country. (Most of the solvers of important problems in the world have been physical scientists.) If Chancellor Caesar Saloma is to succeed, he should assert his competence, and not let himself be intimidated by superiors or powerful officials in high government positions, who are science-incompetent. When a known reformer and physical chemist Zhu Qingshi was appointed president of a new Chinese university, he insisted, making clear, he would be calling the shots (University Head Challenges Old Academic Ways).

To finish the job, outdated UP policies entrenched by group decisions, should be changed. They include practices that are inconsistent with the innovative systems started during the last decade; examples are obsolete policies in faculty hiring, promotions, and giving awards. They reduce the gains achieved by research incentives and objective criteria in performance evaluation. Such review is necessary for UP‘s transition from a primarily-teaching university to the country’s first research university. As a research university, UP can be the national center for preparing qualified mentors in graduate schools, instructors in post-secondary education, and teachers in primary and secondary levels. This will start real reform in the country’s educational system.

(Editor's note:  In line with its policy of seeking alternative points of view, the Diliman Diary has sought and has been granted permission by Dr. Flor Lacanilao to repost this article. Dr. Lacanilao obtained his Ph.D. (specialization in comparative endocrinology) from the University of California at Berkeley. He served as chairman of the Zoology Department at UP Diliman, chancellor of UP Visayas, and chief of SEAFDEC in Iloilo. His email address is at: florlaca@gmail.com . This article also appeared at: http://opinion.inquirer.net/inquireropinion/columns/view/20110314-325325/Democratic-governance-impedes-academic-reform)

Sunday, December 5, 2010

Rising Challenges at the Forked Roads of our University's History (Office of the Student Regent statement on Student strike and UP President Selection)

OFFICE OF THE STUDENT REGENT
UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES SYSTEM 

Vinzons Hall Basement, UP Diliman
Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines 1101

RISING CHALLENGES AT THE FORKED ROADS OF OUR UNIVERSITY’S HISTORY

The UP Office of the Student Regent (OSR) salutes and congratulates the thousands of students, faculty, and staff of the University of the Philippines who participated in the recent mobilizations against the impending budget cuts for State Colleges and Universities (SUCs).

We have once again proved the strength of our collective action. We have built the broadest unity among our administrators, faculty, and staff across all UP campuses and have been persistent in our campaigns. We have marched in solidarity with other SUCs in our fight for greater state subsidy.

As a result, the youth have moved the Senate into considering the increased budget for SUCs. On Dec 1, the Senate restored P146 million for SUC budget. While we see this as a victory of the youth’s collective struggle, we recognize that the amendment still falls short of the P1.1 billion that the SUCs demand for their maintainance and other operating expenditures (MOOE). Simply put, our struggle does not end here.

The state continues to reduce subsidy to SUCs to push them to become self-sufficient, thus, obliging them to increase tuition and other fees and resort to income-generating projects. At this rate, we are challenged to sustain our militant actions and further consolidate our ranks to defend the rights and interests of the students and other sectors in the University.

Our struggle highlighted the importance of a leadership that is one with us and serves our interests and aspirations. Hence, this day also proves to be an important point in our University’s history as we have selected our next University President. We have chosen a leader whose set of policies will affect the fate of this University in the next six years.

The OSR, through consultation with various UP units, sees that there are three general concerns of students across all campuses which were taken into consideration in the selection of the next UP President: (1) the issue of democratic access in the University, (2) the democratic participation of students in University affairs, and (3) the university participation in important national and international affairs.

DEMOCRATIC ACCESS 

For the past years, the President failed to see the potential of our collective action in asserting for greater state subsidy and instead, the University has effortlessly kow-towed to the state’s policy of pushing state universities to impose higher tuition, and increase and institutionalize laboratory fees, rental fees, and miscellaneous fees as an alternative source of budget. Students have vehemently expressed their dissent on this policy as the burden of paying for their education has been passed to them, leading the youth to a narrowing opportunity to accessible quality education. The University most definitely needs a President that is committed in preserving the public character of UP, making it accessible to the Filipino people.

We call on the Iskolar ng Bayan to maintain its vigilance to the commitments of our President-select Alfred Pascual in maintaining the accesibility of UP education:

1. consistent campaign alongside the various sectors to call for greater state subsidy for UP and education;
2. moratorium on undergraduate tuition increase for 6 years;
3. full sectoral involvement and transparency in land lease projects and other income-generating projects;
4. comprehensive and extensive consultation with students on ALL fee increase/institutionalization proposals;
5. review and reverse unjustified laboratory fees being collected from the students;
6. transparency on the collection and disbursement of all collected fees, including the tuition increment;
7. review and rationalization of exorbitant and rental fees (e.g. ‘saksak’ fees, etc); and
8. review of the large lecture class policy in UPLB.

DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE 

The next UP president should respect democratic processes in UP and should ensure the broadest participation among its sectors in decision-making processes, at all levels of administration. The Iskolars ng Bayan will never forget the railroading of the tuition fee hike in 2006, where it was approved without the presence of the faculty and student regent. The president should also ensure transparency and accountability in all financial transactions that this University would enter. Moreover, he or she should respect the process of Faculty, Staff and Student Regent Selection and shall not intervene in any way to affect the results of such democratic processes.

Among the President-select Pascual’s commitments in ensuring democratic governance are:

1. review the process of approval of the 2010 Student Code of Conduct and ensure student representation in the committee;
2. probe the military presence in various UP campuses, implement existing agreements with DND and DILG as regards military presence in the University without prejudice to a possible re-negotiation;
3. oppose mandatory ROTC in the University;
4. institutionalize student representation in policy-making and decision-making bodies and committees which affect student rights and welfare;
5. protection of student leaders from political harassment, trumped up cases, including the review of cases filed against UPLB student leaders;
6. monitor and ensure the status of UP Cebu High; and
7. strengthen the flagship courses of each campus.

NATIONAL ISSUES 

UP has been known as a social critic. It has produced mass leaders who have played a role in the ouster of the fascist President Marcos and even Estrada. For years now, it has been leading the campaign against budget cut and it has exposed this as a systematic policy of the government to abandon its duties on tertiary education. While the incumbent UP President had been vocal and was one with us in our fight for greater state subsidy in her early years as president, the UP President remained silent after the historic tuition fee increase was adopted by the Board of Regents. The president of the UP System, as the highest ranking official of the University, should actively engage in national issues and shall play its role of defending the rights of the taxpayers that funds it.

The OSR has high hopes that unlike the current UP administration, the next UP President will open its doors to the interests of the students. While the nominees for the president selection have their own meritorious credentials, the OSR rendered its principled vote according to the aforesaid criteria and commitments. However, we must recognize that choosing the right president is not the solution to the issues that confront the students. We must continue to become vigilant, actively challenging and engaging the next UP President to respond to our democratic rights and interest.

Time and again we have proven that only through our collective action we can achieve victories. But it is only in our relentless will to defend our rights that we can advance our struggle to achieve greater victories. This University will only take any of the two roads: a road to further commercialization and privatization, and a road upholding its public character and commitment to accessible quality education. The real fate of this University rests upon us.

STOP THE P1.39 B BUDGET CUT IN UP!
FIGHT FOR GREATER STATE SUBSIDY!
UPHOLD DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN THE UNIVERSITY!
DEFEND THE PUBLIC CHARACTER OF UP!
UPHOLD THE UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES AS A UNIVERSITY SERVING THE PEOPLE!



(Editor's note: The University of the Philippines Student Regent is Ms. Jaqueline Eroles)